
In September 2006, bagged baby spinach grown in California’s Salinas Valley sickened over 200 people with E. coli O157:H7 and killed five of them. For a few weeks you could not give spinach away. Twenty years later, almost to the month, FDA closed its investigation into the largest Cyclospora outbreak in American history: 12,883 confirmed illnesses, 570 hospitalizations and two deaths in 21 states, linked to shredded iceberg lettuce from Taylor Farms de Mexico. Inspectors found the parasite in a wastewater tank at the processing plant and in a drainage ditch at a grower, and FDA still cannot say how it got onto the lettuce.
Between those two outbreaks sit two decades of the produce industry deciding, repeatedly, how much food safety it was willing to pay for. Some of those decisions were genuinely good. Some were not. In July I wrote Reap What You Sow, about how the produce lobby helped kill the only federal program testing produce for pathogens, and I am not going to repeat all of that here. What I want to do is be fair about the whole record and then offer the industry a list of things we should be able to agree on. The International Fresh Produce Association meets in Orlando October 13–16 – I must have misplaced my invitation?
Consider this an agenda without me being there.
A disclosure, as always: Marler Clark represents people sickened in this summer’s Cyclospora outbreak and has filed lawsuits against the Taylor Farms companies. I have been suing produce companies for more than thirty years. Read accordingly.
Who we are talking about
The industry consolidated a few years ago. The Produce Marketing Association and United Fresh merged in 2022 to form the International Fresh Produce Association (IFPA), which is now the dominant voice in Washington. Western Growers represents the farmers in California, Arizona, Colorado and New Mexico who grow most of the country’s lettuce and leafy greens, and it writes the food safety metrics for the California and Arizona Leafy Greens Marketing Agreements (LGMA). On the buy side, FMI – The Food Industry Association and the National Grocers Association speak for the retailers. Behind them are dozens of commodities and regional groups, from the National Onion Association to the Fresh Produce Association of the Americas in Nogales, which represents the importers of Mexican produce.
What they got right
After spinach, the leafy greens industry did something it had never done before. Working through Western Growers, it wrote commodity-specific food safety metrics for growing and harvesting leafy greens, and in 2007 California created the LGMA to put signatories under government audit. It is not perfect. I have sued LGMA members. But it was a real system where there had been none, and after the Yuma and Salinas romaine outbreaks of 2018 through 2020, the LGMA tightened its water and harvest requirements.
The industry also paid for science. PMA put up the seed money for the Center for Produce Safety at UC Davis, which has funded applied produce safety research for nearly two decades. After the 2008 Salmonella Saintpaul fiasco, when tomatoes were blamed for weeks before jalapeños turned out to be the problem, the industry launched the Produce Traceability Initiative. It understood then that the inability to trace is what turns one bad farm into a whole category’s catastrophe. United Fresh supported passage of the Food Safety Modernization Act in 2010.
And this summer, some of the industry said the right things. IFPA called on Congress to strengthen FDA’s Human Foods Program, implement end-to-end traceability and fund state produce safety programs, and it said its members are on the record against continued delays of the Traceability Rule. Taylor Farms posted that it supports traceability legislation. Western Growers CEO Dave Puglia said the industry needs to open its doors wider and show consumers its food safety practices. All of that is good. Now the industry must act on it.
What they got wrong
They killed the trip wire. In 2012 the USDA’s Microbiological Data Program, about $5 million a year to sample produce in commerce for pathogens, was zeroed out. It had triggered 23 produce recalls in 2010 and 2011 alone. Dan Flynn laid the kill at the feet of United Fresh’s lobbyists. Thirteen years later, on July 1, 2025, CDC dropped Cyclospora from FoodNet surveillance. When this summer’s outbreak arrived, nobody was counting.
They fought water standards. The 2015 Produce Safety Rule set numeric limits for generic E. coli in irrigation water. The industry called them unworkable, FDA delayed them, and in 2024 FDA replaced numeric testing with “systems-based” assessments in which testing is required only in certain circumstances. Today no law requires a farm to test its irrigation water or its produce for Cyclospora, and the antimicrobial washes the LGMA requires are validated against generic E. coli, not a parasite that chlorine does not kill.
They cheered the traceability delay. FDA’s Food Traceability Rule was supposed to take effect January 20, 2026. FMI called it overly complex, and when FDA pushed compliance to July 20, 2028, FMI and NGAapplauded. Congress then wrote the delay into the November 2025 appropriations act. IFPA says it opposed the delays, and I take that at face value. But its own 2025 Impact Report touts supporting FDA’s “10 to 1” deregulation effort to reduce FSMA-related burdens. You cannot be for end-to-end traceability and for trimming FSMA at the same time.
They argued with the epidemiologists. On July 15, with cases climbing, IFPA’s chief science officer publicly criticized Michigan health officials for discounting recreational water as a risk factor. The next day CDC and FDA named the lettuce. In August, IFPA filed comments asking CDC to look harder at recreational, occupational and water exposures. Wanting good epidemiology is fine. Floating alternative theories in the middle of the largest outbreak of its kind is not, and it spent credibility the industry will need the next time.
They studied the neighbors instead of regulating them. The 2018 Yuma romaine outbreak was tied to irrigation canal water near a large cattle feedlot. Eight years of studies later, there are still no enforceable setbacks between feedlots and the fields and canals that serve leafy greens.
They took a victory lap on testing. IFPA claims credit for prompting FDA to change its Cyclosporadetection method to cut false positives. Maybe the change was warranted. But when the only laboratory tool you have for a parasite is already weak, any change that produces fewer positives deserves independent scrutiny, not a press release.
Here is the cost of all of that. Puglia told the New York Times that lettuce sales fell near 30 percent this summer, and millions of heads of healthy California lettuce were plowed under. California grew none of the outbreak lettuce. That is what happens when you cannot trace a product in a day: the innocent pay for the guilty. The industry has more reason than I do to fix this.
Where we can find common ground
I said in July that I would rather work with these organizations than shout at them. I meant it. So here are two big asks, a list, and three petitions.
First, ask Congress to unwind the traceability delay. The Safe Food Coalition asked Congress in August to rescind it. IFPA says it supports end-to-end traceability. Taylor Farms says it supports traceability legislation. What stands in the way is a congressional directive and the retailers who lobbied for it. IFPA, Western Growers and the LGMAs should put their names on a letter asking Congress to repeal the enforcement bar and let FDA enforce FSMA 204 on a near-term date, ideally before the 2027 growing season for leafy greens and the other foods on the Food Traceability List. And whatever Congress does, members who grow, pack and buy those foods should comply now. Western Growers has already written its members a guidance document on how. The work is done; the only thing missing is the will.
Second, push forward on water. Cyclospora is a water problem. Both of FDA’s positive samples from Mexico were water. The industry should ask Congress and FDA for the following:
- Enforceable, numeric microbial standards for pre-harvest water used on high-risk produce eaten raw, with routine testing. The LGMA already tests; make that the national floor, not the ceiling.
- Cyclospora and other parasites added to the testing of growing and processing water at operations producing Food Traceability List commodities, starting in regions with an outbreak history.
- Processor wastewater management that keeps outgoing water away from fields, canals and product. FDA found the parasite in a Taylor Farms de Mexico wastewater tank. In 2013, after an earlier Cyclospora outbreak, Taylor Farms said it was testing water at that operation. I have never found a public result.
- Research money for a validated kill step or water treatment that works against parasites, including restoring the USDA Cyclospora research projects that were shelved this year.
- Enforceable setbacks and watershed monitoring for concentrated animal feeding operations near produce fields and irrigation sources.
- The same standards for imports, enforced through the Foreign Supplier Verification Program, which FDA says it will expand before the 2027 season.
And then the rest of the list. None of these should be controversial:
- Restore Cyclospora and the other dropped pathogens to FoodNet and fund the state and local labs that find outbreaks.
- Rebuild a produce testing trip wire like the Microbiological Data Program. At roughly $5 million a year, it is the cheapest insurance policy this industry will ever be offered.
- Fund and support the single Cyclospora genotyping standard FDA and CDC say they are building. IFPA itself has said the genomic tools for this parasite lag far behind those for bacteria. Here is a chance to fix it together.
- Agree now, before the next outbreak, on a protocol for sharing shipping, sourcing and test data with CDC and FDA within hours. Western Growers’ GreenLink platform already holds years of industry test data; share it.
- Fund verification of worker sanitation at the farms that supply U.S. buyers: toilets, handwashing, worker health and water, checked by auditors who are not paid to pass.
- Publish root cause analyses. FDA has promised an Outbreak Investigation Report. Taylor Farms should publish its own water results, from this year and from 2013.
- Stop supporting FSMA rollbacks. Every “burden” removed this decade was a tool someone needed this summer.
Three petitions, and an invitation
There is one more thing I want from the industry: its help. I have drafted three citizen petitions to FDA, and I have not filed them yet. That is deliberate. Each one grows out of what went wrong this summer and in the outbreaks before it, each one would help the honest grower far more than it would hurt, and each one would carry more weight with FDA if the people who grow, pack and sell produce were on it with me. Here is a taste of what is in them, and why.
Let FDA sample at feedlots implicated in outbreaks. In 2018, FDA found the Yuma outbreak strain in an irrigation canal running past a feedlot of roughly 100,000 head, collected six samples inside the operation, and left. In Salinas in 2019 and 2020, the agency’s best evidence came from a cattle grate, a trough, a fence line and a roadside, places an investigator can stand without anyone’s permission. The first petition asks FDA to use its communicable disease authority under section 361 of the Public Health Service Act, the same authority behind the 1975 rule that still keeps small turtles out of pet stores, to require entry and sampling at an animal feeding operation once the agency has determined in writing that it is implicated in a multistate outbreak. It is deliberately narrow: no seizing animals, no regulating husbandry, no financial records, just a triggered, time-limited right to walk onto ground the agency has already identified as the probable source and take samples. Why should growers care? Because leafy greens farmers have been paying for their neighbors’ manure for twenty years, and right now nobody is allowed to look.
Name the firms implicated in outbreaks. On September 10, FDA closed a fourteen-person E. coli O157:H7 investigation, said for the first time that the food was romaine, and identified no grower, no processor, no brand and no state. Twenty-one months earlier it did the same in an eighty-nine-person romaine outbreak that killed one person. The agency has named farms and processors in these circumstances before; what it lacks is a written standard. The second petition asks FDA to establish by rule that the identity of a firm implicated in an outbreak is not confidential commercial information, to reach the whole supply chain from the field to the restaurant, and to name implicated firms whether or not there is a recall. Why should growers care? Because an unnamed outbreak is a category-wide outbreak. When the agency names one farm, it clears everyone else, and this summer California learned what it costs when nobody is cleared.
Tell people where recalled food went. Since 2008, USDA has published the retail consignee lists in Class I meat and poultry recalls. Congress told FDA in FSMA to consider doing the same. FDA wrote a guidance that does it sometimes. The third petition asks FDA to require it in every Class I food recall, including the restaurants, schools, hospitals and other institutions where bagged salad and shredded lettuce actually end up, and to classify every recall within ten days. FDA’s July recall notice for the Taylor Farms de Mexico lettuce listed customers only as CV, JB, MARK, MKTSD, PK, SUB, SY and TF. Why should the industry care? Because a recall nobody can act on keeps people sick longer and keeps the story in the news longer, and every day it stays there costs the whole category sales.
So here is the invitation. IFPA, Western Growers, the LGMAs, FMI, NGA and any grower, processor or retailer who wants in: email me and I will send you the drafts, tell me what is wrong with them, and help me fix it. If there is a better way to write the feedlot sampling trigger, a legitimate trade secret concern I have not accounted for, or a recall timeline that does not work in the real world, I want to hear it before FDA does. And then sign on. A petition from a plaintiffs’ lawyer is easy for an agency to set aside. A petition from a plaintiffs’ lawyer and the produce industry together is not. I will send the drafts to anyone who asks. My email is bmarler@marlerclark.com.
Twenty years
After spinach, the industry built something. It was imperfect and it was late, but it was real. This summer’s outbreak was bigger, the tools were weaker and the response was slower, and once again the growers who did everything right paid for the one who did not. FDA has sent a letter to industry asking for collaboration before the 2027 growing season. That is a short window.
In ten days, the produce industry will gather in Orlando. I would like to hear someone on that stage say three words: repeal the delay. Then I would like to hear them say “water.” And I would like to see their names next to mine on these three petitions.










